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View Full Version : i need a good hitler essay .....anyone



KINGSWITHFAME
September 11th, 2009, 10:04 AM
need it for history class

ravenscar
September 11th, 2009, 10:06 AM
so you want one of us to write you an essay, so you can plagiarize it and get a grade for it. no. user still fail.

KINGSWITHFAME
September 11th, 2009, 10:08 AM
so you want one of us to write you an essay, so you can plagiarize it and get a grade for it. no. user still fail.

yoooooooooooompppppppp yup:mad:

Cake
September 12th, 2009, 03:53 PM
Ohhh ill do it......lets see....

Hitler was born on mars from his parents hitlers mom and dad. After the war of the dinosaurs hitler walked to the earth in 1999 and make Y2k then he traveled back in time and made himself leader of the jews. He then molested all of the mexicans and started smoking crack. he died at the age of 654654545347543568743578 due to hemorrhoids.

Turn that in.....i guarantee you will get a 0.

KusKus
September 12th, 2009, 05:49 PM
just draw a GIANT SWATICA
with some SS BOLTS

Low Key
September 12th, 2009, 06:09 PM
Hitler was a dick.


































A+++

hdeuce
September 13th, 2009, 06:18 PM
Now it was at that time, my comrades, when everything was shattered, when the highest leadership of the Reich had fled abroad, when others were surrendering, when the armed forces had to give up their weapons, when the people themselves voluntarily disarmed; at that time when agitation could rage against Germany from within our borders, that one could read in the newspapers: "It is a good thing that we lost the war," that men without character could declare: "We were not able to win the war," it was at that moment, when anyone who even thought of Germany, or spoke about it, trembled to stand up, at that time, when the renunciation of life was being preached as an ideal, so to speak, and when one was ashamed to face the world as a German altogether, it was at that very time, my comrades, that I entered my political career with the determination to resurrect Germany!

It was such a mad determination in the eyes of those others, that my closest friends did not understand me. I found the strength for this determination only from my insight into the population. If, at that time, I had only known the upper ten thousand, believe me, my German people-I would not stand before you today, I would never have found courage for this thought which is capable of revolutionizing a people: Determination and Faith. I knew first and foremost the people itself; I knew my comrades; I knew that these men, who for years have done what could not be left undone, who have done work without precedence, could be trusted,-I knew that if they only would have had the right leadership, that they never would have agreed to a capitulation, not these comrades, since each knew that so many comrades had already fallen for what I was fighting for. I could not abandon that, for it would have been to betray my own comrades, who were just as badly treated by life as I myself, who had also contributed their lives to the cause.

I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans. It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse. But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow up from the bottom again, and that society should hold firmly to the goal.

I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country. But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated. Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks.

For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool. He wants to build a new people, to found a new state, to organize a new Wehrmacht, to make the Germans free again-and he hasn't even a name, no money, no press, no political clique, nothing. The man is mad." They had to be boundless idealists who came to me then, for we had nothing at all to gain, but always only to lose, always to sacrifice. And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how many have lost everything, even their lives, for my sake. I have now begun this battle, first against stupidity, stupidity and inertia, under the so-called higher strata; I have begun it against the cowardice which spreads caste far and wide, the cowardice which always pretended to be cleverness and came around and said: "We must submit; we must be patient"; or, as Herr Erzberger said, "We must sign everything, we must sign everything they put before us; then they will forgive us; then it will be all right again." Against this immeasurable cowardice which did everything rather than take a stand, I had to fight then, in small and gradually larger circles. Often we have experienced that this part of society says, "But why do you go demonstrate on the streets? Can you not see that us others don't want this and that it leads inexorably to more conflict? Why? Because you are provocative, so stop provoking them, stand back, be quiet" And we were not quiet. I then formed the program: "The German street belongs to the German, not the Jew." And I have won the streets back for these German masses, not by the cleverness of the cowards, but the bravery of these daredevils who at that time attached themselves to me and who were ready to liberate the streets from our enemies, and carry the German colors back through these German streets, to the German markets, villages and cities. And I had at that time to fight on further against selfish interests of manyl individuals. The man of the Left said to me: "You are going against my interests" or "You are going against my interests. My interests are class interests. And these class interests oblige me to slay the other fellow." And the other spectrum said to me: "Sir, keep away from our interests. We have the interests of station, we too have our interests, stay away. Do not come in here!" I had to turn against both sides. And above the interests which seemed to be found in station or in class, stood the interests which lie in the people themselves, in that community which cannot be torn apart. All this appears today to be so obvious a thing to get all these truisms into the cross-grained skulls of our people from the Left and Right.

One group did not want to accept this idea, from pure doggedness, because they said: "What? We will break our enemies' heads in", and the others did not want to accept it because of their limitations or stupidity, because of sluggish thinking, when they said: That was not until now, why should we change now? You cannot demand of me that I should have anything to do with these persons who come from the people: That I cannot do.

Eventually you will even demand of me that I should add switch positions. We want to be a people as brothers, but with enough distance, with enough distance, gentlemen, not too close, and only during elections, not every day.

All that was thus not so simple, slowly to draw one thing after another out of this people, and how many have quite simply run away from it. It was not, indeed, my national comrades, as if every one who came to me at that time, on that account also remained with me. Many a time I had to bring fifty or sixty somewhere and three months later they were again only seven or eight. All the others were gone again. And one had to begin again. I made a calculation at that time. If I win a hundred over, and have only ten remain to me, and the other ninety always leave me, then gradually they will become a hundred if I win a thousand. If I win ten thousand, they will be a thousand, and gradually the number of those who remain will grow ever larger. And if one had departed for the second or third time, perhaps, then perhaps he will be embarrassed to go the fifth time, and then he too will remain.

And thus, with unbelievable patience and with perseverance and persistence I will slowly build up a group that is a majority in the German Reich itself. The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish. It does not matter. They may go against us. That does not matter; then we will defend ourselves. We will not capitulate. We will not get off the street, we will not give up our places until we have the upper hand, or until others force us out themselves.

hdeuce
September 13th, 2009, 06:19 PM
The feeling of the National Socialist is today obvious to us. However at that time, these were new ideas, new learnings, which were neither understood, nor of course, accepted by many. And another thing was added to this, a cursed tradition, this question of education, into which every single man believes he was born differently, behind which there lies a much more serious problem than any other; one individual could not bring himself to mix with the broad masses of the people, because he didn't belong to them socially; while another could not because he also came from others. It was a fight against traditions, and also, naturally, against the elements of cultural up-bringing.

Some said, "I, as a cultured person, cannot be made to expect to associate with such a village organization, in which a day-laborer leads the way." I had to first of all make them understand that leadership had nothing to do with an abstract learnedness, which had been pumped up in an institution of studies. One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life. Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. "If I should really join you, I shall lose my business," (said one) and another would say: "It would be scandalous, because my colleagues would not stand for this." Can you imagine, my countrymen, what a hero one had to be to be the first National Socialist in any group, in any factory, and also, I concede, to be the first National Socialist in any salon? For some, they are bodily, the others because they are spiritually threatened. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time. And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918. One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers (in my eyes) and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier.

And now came the organized opponents. There were originally approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties. An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries, who saw in us the ruin of their existence. For where, after all, was a civil party position to arrive, represented by its syndics, party secretaries, and so on, and where a proletarian party itself, represented by trade-union leaders and again party secretaries, if now suddenly someone comes and says: "All that rubbish is again plain madness. You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse. In the long run you cannot do without each other. It is more sensible for you to come to an intelligent agreement with each other than that you should each bring about the other's ruin." One could say that, of course, to the individual, but to a secretary it meant making the man think, immediately, that then his entire existence was over. If I say, religion is not a topic of political debate, what happens to the followers of the Zentrum Party? If I say, I cannot fight politically for economic interests, which must be solved, rationally, in economic terms, where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps.

My dear comrades! When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know.

I can say that for me, the war has not ended since 1914. I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and gather them together once more.

Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover.

This good fortune, to be able to give, to be able to sacrifice for it, that millions today have, was had formerly by only the few National Socialists of our movement. How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast."

Now, my fellow countrymen, from this small beginning has sprung the German Union. Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days.

I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery. And the Jews triumphed over everything. They ruined our country and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to grab in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might have believed that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison.

And then, at this time, then the movement had to prove itself, and, of course, I had to prove myself as well. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. My enemies said, "Now he is dead! One need not hesitate further about it, one need never mention him again, National Socialism is dead!" After 13 months I came back and began again. And I think that this was maybe the most important thing for our party: any weakling can bear winning, but only the strong can bear the strokes of misfortune that fate deals!

Back then, I was the recipient of first major crisis within our movement. It was done with a few years later. Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, that nothing can break my composure. I took to heart the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow that does not kill you makes you stronger."

ravenscar
September 13th, 2009, 06:27 PM
put that on my lit revival thread

Dracus124
October 3rd, 2009, 09:43 PM
Scatched out.

Deadorburied
October 20th, 2009, 05:50 AM
Hitler had syphilis, he got it when in Paris, in art school, from a prostitute. He also was surrounded by an awful lot of men and was always trying to create "super solders"...most likely gay. Blitzkrieg was actually the name of a dog hitler sodomized before attacking england with the Luftwaffe (it was his favorite shower scrubber). The first two you will find in history books and common sense, the last one was thrown in there as a sure fire way to win your science fairy billy...

Deadorburied
October 21st, 2009, 04:28 AM
Oh palmer, my older sister is actually related to Rudolph Hess, he was the 16th member of the 3rd Reich.